The deceased US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who passed away at age 84, was seen as arguably the most influential occupants of the vice-presidency in the nation's history. Whereas countless second-in-commands were limited to peripheral or figurehead functions, Cheney wielded huge sway during the presidency of George W Bush, so much so that he was often called as the "real president".
Bush resented that description and said the dynamic was more complicated. He observed that Cheney was respectful, invariably calling him in official appearances as Mr President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush questioned even descriptions of their relationship as a partnership because it indicated that they were on equal footing. Regardless of such protestations, Cheney found the easygoing president accommodating on a whole raft of policy decisions.
A Aftermath of 9/11
In charge of a contingent of neo-cons that featured defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been attending a gathering at a educational institution in Florida. While Bush made his way to a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney took command, directing the shooting down of any unidentified airplanes heading toward the government building.
Cheney said the attacks altered his perspective, leading him to become determined on revenge. In conjunction with other conservative figures, like Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a takeover of Afghanistan in an attempt to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the armed intervention of Iraq, although there was little proof of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Disputed Actions
He showed no remorse about the armed intervention, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis died, or about the enhanced interrogation of suspects captured after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was founded on misleading reports echoed by Cheney, was the proper decision. "It proved to be the correct action to do back then. I had faith at the time and I hold that view now."
But even then, there were dissenting voices at a high level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the government's own delegates to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the post. "I observed, as a baseline," he subsequently stated "obvious failure, carelessness, and unaccountability: in the worst case, lying, ineptitude, and corruption."
Wider Perspective
Cheney was not entirely responsible for the Iraq campaign. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for comparable steps. He had drafted a document detailing situations in which US concerns might be endangered (featuring "access to essential resources, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "the US should be positioned to act independently when collective action prove impossible," particularly referencing defense operations against Iraq.
Bush too had arrived in the Oval Office somewhat determined on carrying out what his father had specifically avoided to do in 1991; remove Saddam. Following he had been sacked by the White House, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his plan of diminishing America's participation in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and proposed armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush held a private grievance against Saddam, convinced he had been involved in a scheme to murder his parent, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He also disliked that one of the most prominent establishments in Baghdad had a floor mural with a portrait of his parent's visage that all visitors had to tread upon.
Interrogation Methods
But it was Cheney who was part of the most outspoken advocating attacking Iraq, repeatedly referencing information documents that were both insubstantial or entirely misleading. He endorsed what the Bush administration euphemistically referred to as "enhanced interrogation", the employment of interrogation method and harsh treatment.
Addressing a Senate document in 2014 that determined that no actionable intelligence had been obtained through the interrogation methods, Cheney dismissed the report as "full of crap". He informed Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to establish protocols and establish procedures to capture the individuals who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it was not repeated. That's exactly what they did and they deserve a lot of recognition."
External Perception
Cheney enjoyed labels given to him by critics such as the dark character and the dark figure, and by the notion that he was a sinister influence controlling Bush. In the journalist's 2013 volume about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Do I represent the malevolent mastermind in the corner that operates invisibly come out of his domain? This represents a advantageous way to operate, truthfully."
Corporate Connections
Dispute over his corporate affiliations pursued him during his tenure as vice-president. While he had little experience in business but established relationships in military, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's largest oil and gas companies, in 1995 as chair and top executive.
In 2000 he became Bush's election partner for the presidency. Contentiously, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was given US contracts valued at billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly compensation during his period at the corporation increased from his $258,394 while military head to over four million. When he left in 2000 he had a package valued at in excess of $20m|twenty
